Liberation
or War Crime?
The first Peace and Progress symposium, entitled Liberation
or War Crime: A symposium to assess the damage done to
international law and co-operation by the war and occupation
of Iraq, was held on June 1st 2003 at the Young
Vic in London. Audio clips (in mp3 format) of the panelists
initial inputs are available below - click on the Listen
links to hear each segment of the symposium.
Download
the Transcript (pdf format)
Introductory
remarks from Corin Redgrave and Sue Macgregor, who chaired
the meeting
Professor
Burns Weston, Professor of International Law and human
Rights at Iowa University
That is was illegal for, primarily two reasons: firstly
because none of the facts that were cited to justify the
claims made, appear to me at least, to be plausible. ..the
other reason is because I believe that the important Security
Council Resolution, number 1441 has been given a twisted
interpretation by both the US and British Governments,
in such a way as also to be implausible.
Professor Christine Chinkin, Professor of International
Law at the LSE
Not to see Iraq and the war in Iraq as a single event,
but look back over the past decade and see how in fact
the laws of war, and the compliance with the international
regulation against the use of force, had been gradually
whittled away through a whole series of incidents, going
right back through, Somalia, obviously, Kosovo, East Timor
and so on.
Professor
Phillipe Sands, QC, Professor of International Law at
University College, London
The Prime Minister's view that the use of force was
lawful was premised on the existence of weapons of mass
destruction. If there were no weapons, or if he had no
reasonable basis for concluding that there were weapons,
then his government's claim to legality falls away. We
therefore are entitled to be informed of the full basis
upon which he formed the view that such weapons could
be used within 45 minutes. Listen (5 minutes 5 seconds)
Doctor
Karma Nabulsi, Research Fellow in politics at Nuffield
College Oxford
But there is also another very important set of
laws, which is how you fight that war, and what is permitted
and not permitted under the Geneva Convention. And that
is something, if people talk about raising our primary
concerns that would be one of my primary concerns. What
is happening now on the ground? Listen (2 minutes 35 seconds)
Jan
Kavan, President of the United Nations General Assembly
Although most visible about the question of Iraq,
the rift [in the UN] is not only about the question
of Iraq. It is also about, and I would say foremost
about the functioning international system where one
single nation, in this case the United States, possesses
an unprecedented military and economic power. A nation
today which is so powerful that it can almost afford
to ignore the entire international order. Listen
(11 minutes 36 seconds)
Susan Marks, Lecturer in International Law at Emmanuel
College, Cambridge
But the reason I am worried that we on the left
might be tempted into either of those two positions,
is not just that they are descriptively inaccurate,
in terms of the relationship between international
law and global affairs, it is also that they are normatively
troubling in the sense that they carry the danger
of blocking efforts to strengthen international law,
as a tool of justice and peace.
Jonathan
Steele, journalist at the Guardian
But I think that the most important thing is the
point I'm coming on to now. And that is the issue
of pre-emption. As you know some months before the
United States decided to make an issue out of Iraq,
Bush made a big speech to the West Point Military
College graduating class, saying that from now on
the United States policy would be one of pre-emption.
They would hit people long before they were in a possible
position to do anything against the United States.
Mark
Seddon, Editor of the Tribune
We have been lied to I believe, and we have quite
clearly broken the United Nations Charter, very seriously,
because where I come from in the Labour Party, the
United Nations Charter forms part of our Constitution.
Tony Blair has not only broken a Conference decision,
he has refused to take votes on the National Executive
Committee, he has taken us into a war.
Professor
John Mason, Chair of the Political Science Department
at the University of New Jersey
What we see is an attempt by the sovereignty wing,
I guess, of the American conservative movement, to
try and emancipate the United States and its power,
from what it sees as the chains and obstacles created
by the international institutions that were set up
in the wake of World War II. Set up by us, but that
now we seek to free ourselves from.
|